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FILE PHOTO: The Twitter application is seen on a phone screen August 3, 2017. REUTERS/Thomas White
April 10, 2019
BRUSSELS (Reuters) – Twitter launched on Wednesday an emoji for the European Parliament elections in May, seeking to provide a visual link to channel conversations around a vote set to affect the European Union in the coming years.
Together with Facebook and Google, Twitter has come under pressure to do more to combat disinformation about the elections.
All three companies have pledged to the European Commission to crack down on fake news to avoid heavy-handed legislation.
The emoji features a ballot box and a ballot paper in EU navy blue, with a tick mark on the ballot paper in EU yellow, all surrounded by the iconic ring of stars, which is triggered when the hashtags #EUElections2019 and #EP2019 are used.
“This emoji will encourage more voters to easily connect with the conversation, find out what’s happening and participate in the democratic process,” Karen White, Twitter’s public policy director, said in a statement.
The European Commission is keen to address the threat of fake news and foreign interference during campaigning for the parliament elections, as well as for national elections in Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Poland and Portugal.
(Reporting by Foo Yun Chee, editing by Robin Emmott)
Source: OANN

FILE PHOTO: People participating in the class war safari observe buildings at the upper class district at Solsidan in Saltsjobaden near Stockholm, Sweden January 28, 2012. REUTERS/Anders Wiklund/Scanpix Sweden/File Photo
April 9, 2019
By Simon Johnson
STOCKHOLM (Reuters) – Sweden’s Social Democrat-led government will outline tax cuts for top earners on Wednesday, widening the gap between rich and poor in a country that has long enjoyed a reputation for social equality.
The boost for wealthy Swedes is part of a compromise deal, struck between center-left and center-right parties after a September election resulted in a hung parliament, aimed at excluding the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats from government.
It mirrors a dilemma facing politicians in other European countries such as Germany and Denmark where mainstream parties have faced a choice between papering over left-right animosity or giving populist parties a taste of power.
But with many Swedes increasingly unhappy with public services such as policing, schools and care for the elderly, analysts warn the tax cuts in fact risk fuelling xenophobia and populist sentiment, widely seen as rooted in growing inequality.
The policy, which will be outlined in a “mini-budget” update to the main autumn bill, scraps a 5 percent surcharge levied on the income of workers who earn more than about 700,000 Swedish crowns ($75,700) a year. The extra tax was introduced during the economic crisis of the early 1990s to support public finances.
Those top earners will still be heavily taxed compared with many other countries, at around 60 percent. But the move, which takes effect next year, is likely to widen the divide between society’s “haves” and “have nots”. It follows a series of policies in recent years that benefited the well-off, including the scrapping of a wealth tax.
While Sweden is still has one of the most equal societies, the divide between the richest and poorest people has grown faster than in any other developed nation in recent decades, according to the OECD. The organization uses the “Gini coefficient” to measure how equally income is distributed across society.
The 20 billion crown revenue loss from this tax cut and a wider income tax reduction introduced in December’s 2019 budget, will in part be offset by cuts in spending on care for the elderly and the overseas aid budget, and higher environmental taxes.
Some in the center-left Social Democrats are angry over what they see as a betrayal of the values of a party that built Sweden’s famed welfare state and engineered a society widely seen as setting the standard for equality and fairness.
“It’s about defending democracy and for our group that means defending the welfare state where no one is left behind,” said Markus Kallifatides, a Social Democrat lawmaker.
“Sweden is not that society anymore.”
But for many others, sidelining the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats is worth the price.
“Reducing taxes for high income earners is not going to reduce inequality, of course,” Swedish Finance Minister Magdalena Andersson told Reuters on March 29.
“There is no question this is not the priority of the Social Democrats, but you need to get a majority so you have to compromise.”
In September’s election, the Social Democrats posted their worst result for more than a century with the Sweden Democrats, eurosceptic nationalists who want to close the doors to asylum seekers, becoming the third-largest party.
To break the deadlock, the Social Democrats and Greens agreed a four-year, 73-point program with the Centre and Liberal parties who insisted on income tax cuts and deregulation of the housing rental and labor markets as the price of support.
NOT SO EQUAL
While the measures may be painful for the architects of Sweden’s welfare state, they are just part of a change that has been going on for years.
The top 1 percent in Sweden now own a greater share of the country’s wealth than the top 1 percent in the United States, according to Credit Suisse’s 2018 Global Wealth Report.
“There is a kind of renaissance of an economic aristocracy,” said Ola Pettersson, chief economist at the Swedish Trade Union Confederation.
While Sweden has not seen the kind of unrest that has hit some countries, there is a growing sense among many Swedes that riots in Stockholm in 2013 and a surge in gang violence are evidence of the kind of social fragmentation that has provided fertile soil for populists around Europe.
Until the 1970s, successive Social Democrat governments turned the screws on Sweden’s elite with high income taxes, wealth taxes, inheritance taxes, gift taxes and real estate taxes.
Many rich Swedes – like IKEA founder Ingvar Kamprad – took their fortunes abroad.
Faced with the exodus, Sweden instituted market-oriented reforms and embraced small businesses and entrepreneurs.
A wealth tax, which had been reduced and watered down over many years, was abolished in 2007. High property tax has been replaced with a fee capped at 7,812 crowns.
Inheritance tax has also been scrapped. Compare that to Britain, where beneficiaries pay 40 percent tax over a threshold of 325,000 pounds ($425,000).
At the same time a decade of ultra-low rates has meant the value of real estate and stocks has soared, giving a boost to those who rely on capital gains as opposed to a monthly wage for the bulk of their income.
Between 2006 and 2014, a center-right government also started reducing income taxes, with the top rates – excluding the surcharge – coming down in steps to around 60 percent from about 90 percent in the late 1970s. Welfare benefits were cut.
“Sweden is the best country in the world: for rich people,” Jan Emanuel Johansson, a Social Democrat lawmaker-turned-healthcare businessman, said in a satirical video on YouTube.
The millionaire, a popular public figure who won Swedish reality TV survival series “Robinson”, said growing inequality would have exact a price for society as a whole, including social unrest on the streets.
“Either you can say, I don’t care. I’m one of the privileged and I can build a higher wall round my house,” he added. “Or we have to realize that what is bad for those who ride the subway, at some point in the future is going to be bad for those who drive a Rolls-Royce.”
(Reporting by Simon Johnson; Editing by Pravin Char)
Source: OANN

European Competition Commissioner Margrethe Vestager talks to the media at the European Commission headquarters in Brussels, Belgium March 20, 2019. REUTERS/Yves Herman
April 8, 2019
By Richard Lough
PARIS (Reuters) – Europe needs to decide on a digital tax and should lead the way if there is insufficient consensus globally, the EU competition commissioner Margrethe Vestager, said on Monday.
There is still disagreement among EU members over how to implement a so-called “GAFA tax” – named after Google, Apple, Facebook and Amazon – to ensure the global internet giants pay a fair share of taxes on their massive business operations in Europe.
France has been driving hard for such a tax, but at a meeting of EU finance meetings over the weekend, Sweden, Finland, Ireland and Denmark blocked a draft EU-wide GAFA tax proposal, officials said.
“We are becoming an increasingly digital world and it will be a huge problem if we do not find a way to raise (digital) taxes,” Vestager told France Inter radio.
Vestager, who is widely talked about as a candidate for the European Commission presidency when Jean-Claude Juncker’s term expires in November, said European countries first needed a deal which could lead to a EU-wide harmonized tax.
“The best thing is a global solution. But if we want to obtain results in a reasonable period of time, Europe must take the lead,” the commissioner added.
Lawmakers in France’s National Assembly, France’s lower house of Parliament, will on Monday begin debating a draft national GAFA tax law. The bill proposes a 3 percent tax on digital advertising and other revenues of tech firms with worldwide revenues of more than 750 million euros ($842 million).
Vestager, a former Danish economy minister, has a high profile in Brussels for attacking tax avoidance and monopoly powers among U.S. multinationals, and is seen as a contender to be the next Commission president.
She hasn’t announced a public bid for the job, but if she does she would likely need the backing of French President Emmanuel Macron.
Asked if she was interested in the Commission presidency, she said: “I take a lot of interest in the future of Europe. My point is that before we decide on any kind of new face for the Commission, we really need to know what we want to do.”
Internet giants are coming under increasing pressure from regulators globally. Separately on Monday, Britain proposed new online safety laws that would slap penalties on social media companies and technology firms if they fail to protect their users from harmful content.
(Reporting by Richard Lough and Simon Carraud; Editing by Susan Fenton)
Source: OANN

FILE PHOTO: Italian far-right leader Matteo Salvini (R), French far-right leader Marine Le Pen (C) and Austrian far-right leader Heinz-Christian Strache give a thumbs up at the end of the “Europe of Nations and Freedom” meeting in Milan, January 28, 2016. REUTERS/Alessandro Garofalo/File Photo
April 7, 2019
By Alissa de Carbonnel and Giulia Paravicini
BRUSSELS (Reuters) – Italian Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini sends texts with smileys to French far-right leader Marine Le Pen and posts selfies with Austrian far-right politician Heinz-Christian Strache.
The face of the leader of Italy’s far-right League party is beamed onto big screens at right-wing rallies from Prague to Sofia.
Buoyed by his own success and voter fatigue with mainstream parties, Salvini is trying to build bridges before elections on May 26 to the European Parliament, the European Union’s legislature.
With the two biggest political blocs expected to lose their combined majority, he and other far-right leaders hope to form an opposition, eurosceptic alliance with enough seats in the assembly to block or hold up legislation.
“Our idea is to come together … into a new party that better reflects the euroskeptical views that unite us,” Salvini’s foreign affairs advisor Marco Zanni told Reuters. “Now is our chance to unite forces once and for all.”
But when Salvini starts his campaign for the elections on Monday in Milan, representatives of only three, relatively small far-right European parties will be present.
Le Pen will not be there. Nor will representatives of Jaroslaw Kaczynski’s Law and Justice party (PiS), which governs Poland.
Salvini promises a much bigger rally next month. But the absence of Le Pen and other leading far-right and nationalist leaders speaks to the policy differences and rivalries that have long stood in the way of unity among such groups.
Far-right leaders share the broad ideological goals of curbing the EU’s perceived liberal course and returning power to the member states’ capitals. But they differ in other areas, and an attempt by U.S. President Donald Trump’s former strategist, Steve Bannon, to act as a power broker among Europe’s populist groups has fizzled.
BIRDS OF A FEATHER?
Investors expect heightened political uncertainty after the May 26 election, in which 705 members of the European Parliament (MEPs) will be elected, or 751 if Britain fails to leave the EU as planned.
General dissatisfaction over slow economic growth, security threats posed by Islamist militants and a backlash against migration across open EU borders have boosted support for eurosceptic nationalists in many member states.
“There is a growing confidence of voters to go against the norm,” said Susi Dennison, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. “The ‘anti- forces’ are much more motivated right now than the pro-Europeans.”
Their gains and Britain’s planned departure from the EU will mean a shake-up of the pan-national groups created by parties in the EU parliament, whose main role is checking and amending EU laws drawn up by the executive European Commission.
Salvini’s anti-immigrant League is forecast to more than quadruple its representation in the EU assembly with 27 seats.
Along with the projected rise for Le Pen’s National Rally and Strache’s Freedom Party of Austria, which is in a coalition government with Strache as vice-chancellor, the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) group to which they belong could be boosted to 61 seats from 37.
Salvini, whose party co-rules Italy, wants to embrace other leaders whose parties are in rival groups such as Kaczynski.
The two held a meeting in Warsaw in January, and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban hailed the prospect of them forming an alliance as one of the greatest developments of this year.
Forming one big political group can also unlock funds and opportunities for patronage.
“They’re going to get much more resources if they’re able to sit together,” said Cas Mudde, an expert on the far-right at the University of Georgia.
But policy differences make it likely that parties critical of the EU will remain divided into at least two groupings, one centered around Salvini and the other around Kaczynski.
Salvini admires Russian President Vladimir Putin – Kaczynski vilifies him. Both are anti-immigration but at odds over how to handle it. Italy is net giver to the EU budget, Poland is a net receiver. Their views on the economy do not align.
For right-wing parties in Denmark, Finland and Sweden which see Russia as a threat, Salvini and Le Pen’s pro-Kremlin sympathies are also a red line.
“It is a crucial aspect for many countries,” Sweden Democrat leader Jimmie Akesson told Reuters. “It will not succeed, there will be no such group.”
Many parties competing at the national level will also find it difficult to sit together.
Orban has chosen to remain with the parliament’s biggest political grouping despite being suspended from it last month. For all his praise of coalition-building among eurosceptics, being in a group with Europe’s power brokers confers a mainstream respectability that other populists lack.
Some hope that will change after the election.
“Leaving a strong group to join a weak group is a difficult political decision, but leaving to join a group that is also quite strong and growing is less so,” said Ryszard Legutko, a PiS lawmaker and co-chair of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group.
“It is the first time there’s a real chance things might change, that this political, even ideological monopoly can be somehow undermined,” Legutko said.
IN FROM THE COLD
Links among the far-right remain largely limited to personal relationships. When leaders who have long been isolated at home and lack influence abroad attend each other’s rallies, it is about showing they are not marginal.
“It is about validating one another,” said Duncan McDonnell, Professor of Politics in the School of Government and International Relations at Griffith University. But he said the far-right increasingly saw itself as “part of a new wave”.
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) could win many more seats in the next European Parliament, opinion polls show, and might throw its hat in with Salvini’s ENF group. The polls show the Forum for Democracy (FvD) in the Netherlands, led by Thierry Baudet, could win four new seats in the EU assembly and it has said it will join Poland’s PiS in the ECR.
Spanish newcomer Vox has become the darling of eurosceptic groups following its success in a regional election last December in Spain, which until then had been resistant to the populist currents sweeping Europe.
Vox is now being courted by both by Poland’s PiS and Salvini’s League. But looking ahead to the next European Parliament – where polls suggest Vox will win about five seats, up from none today — Vox leader Santiago Abascal told Reuters: “It may be that we’ll be alone.”
Vox has capitalized on domestic tensions over Catalan separatism – it regards Catalonia as an integral part of Spain – but some other far-right parties do not share its view.
“Their support of the (separatists’) coup d’etat by Catalonia is an enormous barrier (to cooperation),” he said.
Even if parties are not the same group, Zanni of Salvini’s League says there will be greater cooperation to try to influence or thwart EU policy.
“The risk is longer-term paralysis,” Dennison said, “that over time will erode the idea of EU as an effective actor.”
But European Parliament strategists say younger right-wing political groups have shown far weaker party discipline.
“The eurosceptics are a wing of many feathers, and I’m not sure it will beat effectively,” said one senior official in the European People’s Party, the main centre-right group.
(Additional reporting by Johan Ahlander in Stockholm, Belén Carreño and Ingrid Melander in Madrid, Joanna Plucinska and Justyna Pawlak in Warsaw, Robert Muller in Prague, Simon Carraud in Paris and Crispian Balmer in Rome, Writing by Alissa de Carbonnel, Editing by Timothy Heritage)
Source: OANN





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